* Where we promote [[projectile space launch]] development to nation-states, ''proactively'' cooperate to prevent the enabling technologies from falling into the hands of any who would use them to threaten noncombatants or legitimate governments.[^For example, since even projectile launch will require some rocket propulsion to circularize orbits, it's within scope of the Project agenda to promote cooperation in the [[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Missile_Technology_Control_Regime | Missile Technology Control Regime]] for candidate nations in [[equatorial mountain regions]]. The need is clear. [[Indonesia]]'s cooperation with Russia and Ukraine on air-launch out of [[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Biak_Island | Biak Island]] is stalled on the issue of MTCR compliance -- see Maulia, Erwida (Feb 15, 2012), [[http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2012/02/15/russia-repeats-offer-ri-become-a-space-nation.html | "Russia repeats offer to RI to become a 'space nation'"]], The Jakarta Post (Jakarta, Indonesia), Feb 15, 2012.^]

To a great extent, small arms proliferation is a function of an ever-expanding global trade in illicit drugs.  [[Equatorial mountain regions]] are remote, poor, often out of reach of (sometimes failed) states, and often better places to grow drug crops. They host much of the world's farming of coca, cannabis, and poppies. This makes them anarchic sources of demand for small arms. In some cases, where drug enforcement agencies try to limit acreage by aerial defoliation, the response of locals and gangs only whets appetites for arms. For example, the larger organized groups, who already use aircraft for transport of drugs and arms, try to acquire anti-aircraft guns.

(:amazonpl wwwtamaryokan-20 9400794304 :)(:amazonpl wwwtamaryokan-20 0313346143 :)(:amazonpl wwwtamaryokan-20 1249284988 :)

* "A Scourge of Small Arms" Jeffrey Boutwell and Michael T. Klare, Scientific American, 2000 http://scholar.googleusercontent.com/scholar?q=cache:c3oabDGwlqsJ:scholar.google.com/&hl=en&as_sdt=0,5

(:amazonpl wwwtamaryokan-20 9400794304 :)

'''Arms proliferation''' might be defined as the spread of weapons when their number and power go beyond any reasonable use. Distrust is one of the larger forces behind it.

Societies that are stuck in "low-trust traps"[^See e.g., Growiec, Katarzyna and Growiec, Jakub (2009): [[http://mpra.ub.uni-muenchen.de/19518/1/MPRA_paper_19518.pdf | "Social Capital, Trust, and Multiple Equilibria in Economic Performance"]] (PDF), Dec 2009, Institute for Structural Research, Warsaw, Poland^] sometimes end up investing ever greater effort and resources into weaponry. Arms proliferation isn't a matter of social scale. Vendettas between two rival mountain villages can feed it. So can distrust between two regional superpowers with nuclear ambitions. Regardless of the scale, arms proliferation tends to erode what little trust might remain.

Not all trade in arms is proliferation. [[Project Persephone]] does not advocate that any nation, region or law-abiding individual disarm unilaterally. Rather, it aims to promote social trust where it can, and to ''proactively'' help to police illegal arms trade where it must.

* Help improve telecommunications, transportation and legitimate trade between the beneficiary communities of its [[charity | charitable arm]]. This will be especially important wherever a lack of social trust poses logistical, economic and institutional barriers to establishing [[projectile space launch]].

* Where we promote [[projectile space launch]] development to nation-states, ''proactively'' cooperate to prevent the enabling technologies from falling into the hands of any who would use them to threaten noncombatants or legitimate governments.[^For example, since even projectile launch will require some rocket propulsion to circularize orbits, it's within scope of the Project agenda to promote cooperation in the [[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Missile_Technology_Control_Regime | Missile Technology Control Regime]] for candidate nations in [[equatorial alpine regions]]. The need is clear. [[Indonesia]]'s cooperation with Russia and Ukraine on air-launch out of [[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Biak_Island | Biak Island]] is stalled on the issue of MTCR compliance -- see Maulia, Erwida (Feb 15, 2012), [[http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2012/02/15/russia-repeats-offer-ri-become-a-space-nation.html | "Russia repeats offer to RI to become a 'space nation'"]], The Jakarta Post (Jakarta, Indonesia), Feb 15, 2012.^]

Since the prospects for projectile space launch remain uncertain and long-term at best, small arms are the main near-term focus.  Since the Project does not aim for police powers, the economic dimension of the Project's efforts is key.

To a great extent, small arms proliferation is a function of an ever-expanding global trade in illicit drugs.  [[Equatorial alpine regions]] are remote, poor, often out of reach of (sometimes failed) states, and often better places to grow drug crops. They host much of the world's farming of coca, cannabis, and poppies. This makes them anarchic sources of demand for small arms. In some cases, where drug enforcement agencies try to limit acreage by aerial defoliation, the response of locals and gangs only whets appetites for arms. For example, the larger organized groups, who already use aircraft for transport of drugs and arms, try to acquire anti-aircraft guns.

Another major factor in small arms proliferation is organizations that have revolutionary or separatist ambitions. The drug trade enters in some of these cases as well, as a source of financing. Here, the Project can do little except by default. The benefits of its charitable programs simply cannot extend directly into regions that don't answer to recognized governments.  (One possible exception: emergency medical responses that are closely coordinated with law enforcement agencies and/or international relief organizations.)

At best, by improving the economies and the health care in problem zones, the Project can help provide refuge for noncombatants. Such palliative efforts can help lay a foundation for increased trust in the noncombatants' places of origin, should they ever return to their communities. They can also provide refuge for any outlaw forces who are willing to lay down arms under terms the authorities can accept. The Project could provide some health services to the wounded as well, perhaps including counseling for [[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Military_use_of_children | child soldiers]] and others bearing the psychological wounds from being pressed into militias and into combat.

Project Persephone, by offering better choices of livelihoods and a healthier life for those who live in violence-plagued regions, can give some of these people a way out of a system that reduces generalized social trust and that increases the desire to invest in small arms, whether for criminal depredation or for legitimate self-defense.

At best, by improving the economies and the health care available in problematic regions, the Project can help provide refuge for noncombatants. Such palliative efforts can lay a foundation for increased trust in the noncombatants' places of origin, should they ever return to their communities. They can also provide refuge for combatants willing to lay down arms under conditions acceptable to authorities, and provide some health services to the wounded, perhaps including counseling for [[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Military_use_of_children | child soldiers]] and others bearing the psychological wounds from being illegitimately pressed into militias, and into combat.

* Support for improvements in telecommunications, transportation and legitimate trade between the beneficiary communities of its [[charity | charitable arm]], and especially in cases where the lack of social trust can mean logistical, economic and institutional barriers to establishing the basis for [[projectile space launch]].

Not all trade in arms is proliferation. [[Project Persephone]] does not advocate that any nation, region or law-abiding individual disarm unilaterally. Rather, it aims to promote social trust where it can, and to ''proactively'' help to police any illegal arms trade where it must.

Societies that are stuck in "low-trust traps"[^See e.g., Growiec, Katarzyna and Growiec, Jakub (2009): [[http://mpra.ub.uni-muenchen.de/19518/1/MPRA_paper_19518.pdf | "Social Capital, Trust, and Multiple Equilibria in Economic Performance"]] (PDF), Dec 2009, Institute for Structural Research, Warsaw, Poland^] sometimes end up investing ever greater effort and resources in weaponry. Arms proliferation isn't a matter of social scale. Vendettas between two rivalrous mountain villages can feed it. So can distrust between two regional superpowers with nuclear ambitions. Regardless of the social scale, arms proliferation will tend to further erode what little trust might remain.

* "U.S. Lifts Export Restrictions on ISRO, DRDO" [[http://www.deccanherald.com/content/131912/us-removes-isro-drdo-export.html]], 25 Jan 2011
* "A Scourge of Small Arms" Jeffrey Boutwell and Michael T. Klare, Scientific American, 2000 http://scholar.googleusercontent.com/scholar?q=cache:c3oabDGwlqsJ:scholar.google.com/&hl=en&as_sdt=0,5

'''Arms proliferation''' might be defined as the transfer, sales and/or use of weapons when the number and power of the weapons goes beyond any reasonable legitimate use. There can be little doubt that the driving force of such proliferation is distrust.

Societies that are stuck in "low-trust traps"[^See e.g., Growiec, Katarzyna and Growiec, Jakub (2009): [[http://mpra.ub.uni-muenchen.de/19518/1/MPRA_paper_19518.pdf | "Social Capital, Trust, and Multiple Equilibria in Economic Performance"]] (PDF), Dec 2009, Institute for Structural Research, Warsaw, Poland^] sometimes end up investing ever greater effort and resources in weaponry. Arms proliferation isn't a matter of social scale. Vendettas between two rivalrous mountain villages can feed it. So can distrust between two regional superpower with nuclear ambitions. Regardless of the social scale, arms proliferation will tend to further erode what little trust might remain.

'''Arms proliferation''' might be defined as the transfer, sales and/or use of weapons that exceeds any reasonable legitimate use for them. Societies that are stuck in "low-trust traps"[^See e.g., Growiec, Katarzyna and Growiec, Jakub (2009): [[http://mpra.ub.uni-muenchen.de/19518/1/MPRA_paper_19518.pdf | "Social Capital, Trust, and Multiple Equilibria in Economic Performance"]] (PDF), Dec 2009, Institute for Structural Research, Warsaw, Poland^] sometimes end up investing ever greater effort and resources in weaponry. Whether it's between two rivalrous mountain villages whose appetite for arms has been whetted by vendettas, or among regional superpowers engaged in a nuclear arms race, arms proliferation will tend to further erode what little trust might remain.

'''Arms proliferation''' is seen when the transfer, sales and/or use of weapons any exceeds reasonable legitimate use for them. Social systems stuck in "low-trust traps"[^See e.g., Growiec, Katarzyna and Growiec, Jakub (2009): [[http://mpra.ub.uni-muenchen.de/19518/1/MPRA_paper_19518.pdf | "Social Capital, Trust, and Multiple Equilibria in Economic Performance"]] (PDF), Dec 2009, Institute for Structural Research, Warsaw, Poland^] sometimes end up investing ever greater effort and resources in weaponry. Whether it's in rivalrous mountain villages whose appetite for newly available arms has been whetted by generations-long vendettas, or among regional superpowers engaged in a nuclear arms race, arms proliferation will tend to further erode what little trust might remain.

-> "Every gun that is made, every warship launched, every rocket fired signifies, in the final sense, a theft from those who hunger and are not fed, those who are cold and not clothed. The world in arms is not spending money alone. It is spending the sweat of laborers, the genius of its scientists, the hopes of its children....This is not a way of life at all, in any true sense. Under the cloud of threatening war, it is humanity hanging from an iron cross."[^From the [[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chance_for_Peace_speech | Chance for Peace speech]] (AKA "Cross of Iron" speech) by Dwight D. Eisenhower in 1953. For context, see http://www.usnews.com/opinion/blogs/robert-schlesinger/2011/09/30/the-origins-of-that-eisenhower-every-gun-that-is-made-quote^]

-> "Every gun that is made, every warship launched, every rocket fired signifies, in the final sense, a theft from those who hunger and are not fed, those who are cold and not clothed. The world in arms is not spending money alone. It is spending the sweat of laborers, the genius of its scientists, the hopes of its children....This is not a way of life at all, in any true sense. Under the cloud of threatening war, it is humanity hanging from an iron cross."[^From a speech by Dwight D. Eisenhower in 1953. For context, see http://www.usnews.com/opinion/blogs/robert-schlesinger/2011/09/30/the-origins-of-that-eisenhower-every-gun-that-is-made-quote^]

'''Arms proliferation''' is seen when the transfer, sales and/or use of weapons any exceeds reasonable positive use for them. Social systems stuck in "low-trust traps"[^See e.g., Growiec, Katarzyna and Growiec, Jakub (2009): [[http://mpra.ub.uni-muenchen.de/19518/1/MPRA_paper_19518.pdf | "Social Capital, Trust, and Multiple Equilibria in Economic Performance"]] (PDF), Dec 2009, Institute for Structural Research, Warsaw, Poland^] sometimes end up investing ever greater effort and resources in weaponry. Whether it's in rivalrous mountain villages whose appetite for newly available arms has been whetted by generations-long vendettas, or among regional superpowers engaged in a nuclear arms race, arms proliferation will tend to further erode what little trust might remain.

To a great extent, small arms proliferation is a function of an ever-expanding global trade in illegal drugs.  [[Equatorial alpine regions]], because they are remote, underdeveloped, often out of reach of (sometimes failed) states, and in some cases offer superior growing conditions, host much of the world's cultivation of coca, cannabis, and opium poppies. This makes them particularly anarchic sources of demand for small arms. In some cases, the attempts by drug enforcement agencies to limit growing acreage by aerial defoliation only makes the arms proliferation problems worse. For example, the larger organized groups, which are already equipped with aircraft for rapid transport of drugs and arms, try to acquire anti-aircraft weaponry.

Another major factor in small arms proliferation is organizations that have revolutionary or separatist ambitions. In some cases, the drug trade enters in these cases as well, as a source of financing. In such cases, the Project can do little except by default. The benefits of its charitable programs simply cannot extend directly into regions not answerable to recognized, legitimate national governments.  (Emergency medical responses that are closely coordinated with law enforcement agencies and/or international relief organizations might be one possible exception.)

'''Arms proliferation''' is seen when the transfer, sales and/or use of weapons any exceeds reasonable positive use for them. Social systems stuck in "low-trust traps"[^See e.g., Growiec, Katarzyna and Growiec, Jakub (2009): [[http://mpra.ub.uni-muenchen.de/19518/1/MPRA_paper_19518.pdf | "Social Capital, Trust, and Multiple Equilibria in Economic Performance"]] (PDF), Dec 2009, Institute for Structural Research, Warsaw, Poland^] sometimes end up investing ever greater effort and resources in weaponry. Whether it's in rivalrous mountain villages whose appetite for newly available arms has been whetted by generations-long vendettas, or among regional superpowers engaged in a nuclear arms race, arms proliferation will tend to further erode what little trust might remain. It also misallocates financial resources.

* Supporting improvements in telecommunications, transportation and legitimate trade between the communities where its [[charity | charitable arm]] operates, in cases where local communities have hitherto lacked mutual trust, and where that lack of trust poses potential logistical, economic and institutional issues for establishing the basis for [[projectile space launch]] in the region.

'''Arms proliferation''' is seen when the transfer, sales and/or use of weapons exceeds reasonable positive use for them. Social systems stuck in "low-trust traps"[^See e.g., Growiec, Katarzyna and Growiec, Jakub (2009): [[http://mpra.ub.uni-muenchen.de/19518/1/MPRA_paper_19518.pdf | "Social Capital, Trust, and Multiple Equilibria in Economic Performance"]] (PDF), Dec 2009, Institute for Structural Research, Warsaw, Poland^] sometimes end up investing ever greater effort and resources in weaponry. Whether it's happening in rivalrous mountain villages whose appetite for newly available arms has been whetted by generations-long vendettas, or among regional superpowers engaged in a nuclear arms race, arms proliferation will tend to further erode what little trust might remain. It also misallocates financial resources.

Not all trade in arms is proliferative. [[Project Persephone]] does not advocate unilateral disarmament of any nation, region or law-abiding individual. Rather, it aims to promote generalized social trust where it can, and to ''proactively'' cooperate in policing illegal arms trade where it must.

'''Arms proliferation''' is seen when the transfer, sales and use of weapons grows past the point of any reasonable positive use for them. Anarchic societies that are stuck in "low-trust traps"[^See e.g., Growiec, Katarzyna and Growiec, Jakub (2009): [[http://mpra.ub.uni-muenchen.de/19518/1/MPRA_paper_19518.pdf | "Social Capital, Trust, and Multiple Equilibria in Economic Performance"]] (PDF), Dec 2009, Institute for Structural Research, Warsaw, Poland^] can sometimes begin to invest ever greater effort and resources in weaponry. Whether it's happening in two small mountain villages whose appetite for newly available arms has been whetted by generations-long vendettas, or two regional superpowers engaged in an arms race, arms proliferation will tend to further erode what little trust might remain. It also misallocates financial resources.

Not all arms acquisition is proliferative. [[Project Persephone]] does not advocate unilateral disarmament of any nation, region or law-abiding individual.  Rather, it aims to promote generalized social trust where it can, and to ''proactively'' cooperate in policing illegal arms trade where it must.

Project Persephone, by offering alternative livelihoods and a healthier life for inhabitants of violence-plagued regions, can give some of these inhabitants a way out of a system that reduces generalized social trust and increases the incentives to invest in small arms, whether for criminal depredation or for legitimate self-defense.

To a great extent, small arms proliferation is a function of an ever-expanding global trade in illegal drugs.  [[Equatorial alpine regions]], by virtue of their remoteness, underdevelopment, degree of state failure, and (for some crops) superior growing conditions, are frequently chosen for cultivation of coca, cannabis, and opium poppies.  This means they are also particularly anarchic sources of demand for small arms. In some cases, the attempts by government drug enforcement agencies to limit growing acreage by aerial defoliation only make proliferation problems worse: the larger organized groups, which are already equipped with aircraft for rapid arms transport, try to acquire anti-aircraft weaponry.

For lack of an agreed-upon definition, "arms proliferation" will mean the tendency for anarchic social systems stuck in "low-trust traps"[^See e.g., Growiec, Katarzyna and Growiec, Jakub (2009): [[http://mpra.ub.uni-muenchen.de/19518/1/MPRA_paper_19518.pdf | "Social Capital, Trust, and Multiple Equilibria in Economic Performance"]] (PDF), Dec 2009, Institute for Structural Research, Warsaw, Poland^] to invest ever greater effort and resources in weaponry. Whether it's taking place between two small mountain villages whose appetite for newly available arms has been whetted by generations of vendettas, or between two nation-states, arms proliferation will tend to further damage what little trust might remain. It also misallocates financial resources.

* Supporting improvements in telecommunications, transportation and legitimate trade between the communities where its [[charity | charitable arm]] operates, where those communities have hitherto lacked mutual trust, and that lack of trust poses potential logistical, economic and institutional issues for establishing the basis for [[projectile space launch]] in the region.

Another significant factor in small arms proliferation is organizations with revolutionary and/or separatist political ambitions, both within national boundaries and spanning those  boundaries. In some cases, the drug trade enters here as well, as a source of financing. In such cases, the Project can do little except by default. The benefits of its charitable programs simply cannot extend directly into regions not answerable to recognized, legitimate national governments.  (Emergency medical responses that are closely coordinated with law enforcement agencies and/or international relief organizations might be one possible exception.)

At best, by improving the economies and the health care available in problematic regions, the Project can help provide refuge for noncombatants. Such palliative efforts can lay a foundation for increased trust in the noncombatants' places of origin, should they ever return to their communities. They can also provide refuge for combatants willing to lay down arms under conditions acceptable to authorities, and provide some health services to the wounded, perhaps including counseling for [[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Military_use_of_children | child]] soldiers and others bearing the psychological wounds from being illegitimately pressed into militias, and into combat.

To a great extent, small arms proliferation is a function of an ever-expanding global trade in illegal drugs.  [[Equatorial alpine regions]], by virtue of their remoteness, underdevelopment, degree of state failure, and (for some crops) superior growing conditions, are frequently chosen for cultivation coca, cannabis, and opium poppies.  This means they are also particularly anarchic sources of demand for small arms.  In some cases, the attempts by government drug enforcement agencies to limit growing acreage by aerial defoliation only make proliferation problems worse: the larger organized groups, which are already equipped with aircraft for rapid arms transport, try to acquire anti-aircraft weaponry.

* To the extent that the Project promotes [[projectile space launch]] development to nation-states, ''proactively'' cooperating in preventing the enabling technologies from falling into the hands of organizations (state and non-state actors) who would use them to threaten noncombatants or legitimate governments.[^For example, since even projectile launch will require some rocket propulsion to circularize orbits, it's within scope of the Project agenda to promote cooperation in the [[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Missile_Technology_Control_Regime | Missile Technology Control Regime]] for candidate nations in [[equatorial alpine regions]]. The need is clear. [[Indonesia]]'s cooperation with Russia and Ukraine on air-launch out of [[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Biak_Island | Biak Island]] is stalled on the issue of MTCR compliance -- see Maulia, Erwida (Feb 15, 2012), [[http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2012/02/15/russia-repeats-offer-ri-become-a-space-nation.html | "Russia repeats offer to RI to become a 'space nation'"]], The Jakarta Post (Jakarta, Indonesia), Feb 15, 2012.^]

For lack of an agreed-upon definition, "arms proliferation" will mean the tendency for anarchic social systems with little generalized social trust to invest ever greater effort and resources in weaponry. Whether it's taking place between two small mountain villages whose appetite for newly available arms has been whetted by generations of vendettas, or between two nation-states, arms proliferation will tend to further damage what little trust might remain. It also misallocates financial resources.

* to the extent that the Project promotes [[projectile space launch]], ''proactively'' cooperating in preventing the enabling technologies from falling into the hands of organizations (state and non-state actors) who would use them to threaten noncombatants or legitimate governments.[^For example, since even projectile launch will require some rocket propulsion to circularize orbits, it's within scope of the Project agenda to promote cooperation in the [[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Missile_Technology_Control_Regime | Missile Technology Control Regime]] for candidate nations in [[equatorial alpine regions]]. The need is clear. [[Indonesia]]'s cooperation with Russia and Ukraine on air-launch out of [[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Biak_Island | Biak Island]] is stalled on the issue of MTCR compliance -- see Maulia, Erwida (Feb 15, 2012), [[http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2012/02/15/russia-repeats-offer-ri-become-a-space-nation.html | "Russia repeats offer to RI to become a 'space nation'"]], The Jakarta Post (Jakarta, Indonesia), Feb 15, 2012.^]

For lack of an agreed-upon definition, "arms proliferation" will mean the tendency for anarchic social systems with little generalized social trust to invest ever greater effort and resources in weaponry. It's a process that could be taking place between two small villages separated by a river, or two large nation-states separated by oceans. It's a process that tends to further damages what little trust might remain; it also misallocates financial resources both domestically and in international trade.

Not all arms acquisition is proliferative, and [[Project Persephone]] does not advocate unilateral disarmament of any nation, region or law-abiding individual.  Rather, it aims to promote generalized social trust where it can, and to ''proactively'' cooperate in policing illegal arms trade where it must.

* Supporting improvements in telecommunications, transportation and legitimate trade between the communities where its [[charity | charitable arm]] operates, where those communities have hitherto lacked mutual trust, and that lack of trust poses potential logistical issues for establishing the basis for [[projectile space launch]] in the region.

* to the extent that the Project promotes [[projectile space launch]], by ''proactively'' cooperating in preventing the enabling technologies from falling into the hands of organizations (state and non-state actors) who would use them to threaten noncombatants or legitimate governments.[^For example, since even projectile launch will require some rocket propulsion to circularize orbits, it's within scope of the Project agenda to promote cooperation in the [[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Missile_Technology_Control_Regime | Missile Technology Control Regime]] for candidate nations in [[equatorial alpine regions]]. The need is clear. [[Indonesia]]'s cooperation with Russia and Ukraine on air-launch out of [[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Biak_Island | Biak Island]] is stalled on the issue of MTCR compliance -- see Maulia, Erwida (Feb 15, 2012), [[http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2012/02/15/russia-repeats-offer-ri-become-a-space-nation.html | "Russia repeats offer to RI to become a 'space nation'"]], The Jakarta Post (Jakarta, Indonesia), Feb 15, 2012.^]

To a great extent, small arms proliferation is a function of an ever-expanding global trade in illegal drugs.  [[Equatorial alpine regions]], by virtue of their remoteness, underdevelopment, degree of state failure, and (for some crops) superior growing conditions, are frequently chosen for cultivation of plants with psychotropic properties (coca, cannabis, poppies).  This means they are also particularly anarchic sources of demand for small arms.  In some cases, the attempts by government drug enforcement agencies to limit growing acreage by aerial defoliation only make proliferation problems worse: the larger organized groups, which are already equipped with aircraft for rapid arms transport, try to acquire anti-aircraft weaponry.

Another significant factor in small arms proliferation is revolutionary and/or separatist political ambitions, both within national boundaries and spanning those  boundaries. In some cases, the drug trade enters here as well, as a source of financing.  In such cases, the Project can do little except by default. The benefits of its charitable programs simply cannot extend directly into regions not answerable to recognized, legitimate national governments.  (Emergency medical responses that are closely coordinated with law enforcement agencies and/or international relief organizations might be one possible exception.)

At best, by improving the economies and the health care available in problematic regions, the Project can help provide refuge for noncombatants. Such palliative efforts can lay a foundation for increased trust in the noncombatants' places of origin, should they ever return to their communities. They can also provide refuge for combatants willing to lay down arms under conditions acceptable to authorities, and provide some health services to the wounded, perhaps including counseling for child soldiers and others bearing the psychological wounds of those illegitimately pressed into militias, and into combat.

* to the extent that the Project promotes [[projectile space launch]], by ''proactively'' cooperating in preventing enabling technologies from falling into the hands of nefarious agents (state and non-state) who would use them to threaten noncombatants or legitimate governments.[^For example, since even projectile launch will require some rocket propulsion to circularize orbits, it's within scope of the Project agenda to promote cooperation in the [[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Missile_Technology_Control_Regime | Missile Technology Control Regime]] for candidate nations in [[equatorial alpine regions]]. The need is clear. [[Indonesia]]'s cooperation with Russia and Ukraine on air-launch out of [[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Biak_Island | Biak Island]] is stalled on the issue of MTCR compliance -- see Maulia, Erwida (Feb 15, 2012), [[http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2012/02/15/russia-repeats-offer-ri-become-a-space-nation.html | "Russia repeats offer to RI to become a 'space nation'"]], The Jakarta Post (Jakarta, Indonesia), Feb 15, 2012.^]

* to the extent that the Project promotes [[projectile space launch]], by ''proactively'' cooperating in preventing enabling technologies from falling into the hands of nefarious agents (state and non-state) who would use them to threaten noncombatants or legitimate governments.[^For example, since even projectile launch will require some rocket propulsion to circularize orbits, it's within scope of the Project agenda to promote cooperation in the [[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Missile_Technology_Control_Regime | Missile Technology Control Regime]] for candidate nations in [[equatorial alpine regions]]. The need is clear. [[Indonesia]]'s cooperation with Russia and Ukraine on air-launch out of [[Biak Island]] is stalled on the issue of MTCR compliance -- see Maulia, Erwida (Feb 15, 2012), [[http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2012/02/15/russia-repeats-offer-ri-become-a-space-nation.html | "Russia repeats offer to RI to become a 'space nation'"]], The Jakarta Post (Jakarta, Indonesia), Feb 15, 2012.^]^]

For lack of an agreed-upon definition, "arms proliferation" will mean the tendency for anarchic social systems with little generalized social trust to invest ever greater effort and resources in weaponry. This process further damage what little trust remains; it also misallocates wealth both domestically and in international trade.

* to the extent that the Project promotes [[projectile space launch]], by ''proactively'' cooperating in preventing enabling technologies from falling into the hands of nefarious agents (state and non-state) who would use them to threaten noncombatants or legitimate governments.[^For example, since even projectile launch will require some rocket propulsion to circularize orbits, it's within scope of the Project agenda to promote membership in the [[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Missile_Technology_Control_Regime | Missile Technology Control Regime]] for candidate nations in [[equatorial alpine regions]]^]

* "Commercial Satellite Sector Sees Upside to New Space Policy Hopeful of ITAR Reform, Greater Stake in U.S. Roadmap for Space" [[http://www.parabolicarc.com/2011/01/17/satellite-sector-encouraged-obamas-approach-itar-commercial-procurement]], Satellite Today, Jan 17, 2011
* "U.S. Lifts Export Restrictions on ISRO, DRDO" [[http://www.deccanherald.com/content/131912/us-removes-isro-drdo-export.html]], 25 Jan 2011

Project Persephone, by offering alternative livelihoods and a healthier life for inhabitants of violence-plagued regions, can give some indigenous inhabitants a way out of a system that reduces generalized social trust, and reduce the incentives to invest in small arms, whether for criminal depredation or for legitimate self-defense.

!!! Further Reading

"Commercial Satellite Sector Sees Upside to New Space Policy Hopeful of ITAR Reform, Greater Stake in U.S. Roadmap for Space" [[http://www.parabolicarc.com/2011/01/17/satellite-sector-encouraged-obamas-approach-itar-commercial-procurement]], Satellite Today, Jan 17, 2011

Another significant factor in small arms proliferation is revolutionary and/or separatist political ambitions, both within, and spanning, national boundaries. In some cases, the drug trade enters here, as well, as a source of financing.  In these cases, the Project can do little except by default.  The benefits of its charitable programs simply cannot extend directly into regions not answerable to recognized, legitimate national governments.  (Medical emergency responses that are closely coordinated with law enforcement agencies are a possible exception.)

At best, by improving the economies and health care available in certain regions, the Project can help provide refuge for noncombatants.  This helps lay a foundation for increased trust in the noncombatants' region of origin, should they ever return to their communities.  It can also provide refuge for combatants willing to lay down arms under conditions acceptable to authority.  It can also provide some health services to the wounded, perhaps including counseling for child soldiers and others bearing the psychological wounds of those illegitimately pressed into militias, and into combat.

Project Persephone, by offering alternative livelihoods and a healthier life for inhabitants of violence-plagued regions, can give some indigenous inhabitants a way out of a system that reduces generalized social trust, and reduce the incentives to invest in small arms, whether for criminal depredation or for legitimate self-defense.

To a great extent, small arms proliferation is a function of an ever-expanding global drug trade.  [[Equatorial alpine regions]], are, by virtue of their remoteness, underdevelopment, and in some cases, good growing conditions, frequently chosen for cultivation of plants with psychotropic properties (coca, cannabis, poppies).  They are therefore also particularly anarchic sources of demand for small arms.  In some cases, the attempts by government drug enforcement agencies to limit growing acreage by aerial defoliation only make proliferaton problems worse: the larger organized groups, which are already equipped with aircraft for rapid arms transport, acquire anti-aircraft weaponry.

Another significant factor in small arms proliferation is the revolutionary and/or separatist ambitions, both within, and spanning, national boundaries. In some cases, the drug trade enters here, as well, as a source of financing.  In these cases, the Project can do little except by default.  The benefits of its charitable programs simply cannot extend directly into regions not answerable to recognized, legitimate national governments.  (Medical emergency responses that are closely coordinated with law enforcement agencies are a possible exception.)

At best, by improving the economies and health care available in certain regions, the Project can help provide refuge for noncombatants, laying the foundation for increased regional trust in the noncombatants' regions of origin, should they ever return.  It can also provide refuge for combatants willing to lay down arms under conditions acceptable to local, national, and international authority, providing health services to the wounded, perhaps including counseling for child soldiers and others bearing the psychological wounds of those illegitimately pressed into militias.

Project Persephone, by offering alternative livelihoods for inhabitants of drug source regions, can give some indigenous inhabitants a way out of a system that reduces generalized social trust, and reduce the incentives to invest in small arms, whether for criminal depredation or for legitimate self-defense.

Arms proliferation - for lack of an agreed-upon definition, "arms proliferation" will mean the tendency for anarchic social systems with little generalized social trust to invest ever greater effort and resources to acquire weaponry, and in the process further damage what little trust remains.

* to the extent that the Project promotes [[projectile space launch]], by ''proactively'' cooperating in preventing enabling technologies from falling into the hands of nefarious agents (state and non-state) who would use them to threaten noncombatants or legitimate governments.

Since the prospects for projectile space launch remain uncertain and long-term at best, small arms are the main focus.  Since the Project does not aim for police powers, the economic dimension of the Project's efforts is key.

To a great extent, small arms proliferation is a function of an ever-expanding global drug trade.  [[Alpine equatorial regions]], are, by virtue of their remoteness, underdevelopment, and in some cases, good growing conditions, frequently chosen for cultivation of plants with psychotropic properties (coca, cannabis, poppies).  They are therefore also particularly anarchic sources of demand for small arms.  In some cases, the attempts by government drug enforcement agencies to limit growing acreage by aerial defoliation only make proliferaton problems worse: the larger organized groups, which are already equipped with aircraft for rapid arms transport, acquire anti-aircraft weaponry.

Another significant factor in small arms proliferation is the revolutionary and/or separatist ambitions of within, or spanning, national boundaries. In some cases, the drug trade enters here, as well, as a source of financing.  In these casse, the Project can do little except by default: the benefits of its charitable programs simply cannot lawfully extend to regions not answerable to recognized, legitimate national governments.  At best, by improving the economies and health care available in certain regions, it can help provide refuge for noncombatants, laying the foundation for increased regional trust in the noncombatants' regions of origin, should they ever return.  It can also provide refuge for combatants willing to lay down arms under conditions acceptable to local, national, and international authority, by providing health services to the wounded, perhaps including counseling for child soldiers and others bearing the psychological wounds of those pressed to armed force against their will, or against better interest.